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within the u.s. and the west and libya was a time which i had lived as a junior diplomat from 2004-2006 when a small group of us were sent to tripoli to basically laid the foundation for picking the embassy. i, you know, spend a lot of time in the middle east, sometimes i wonder whether i should a steady japanese like when i was in college because the degree of change ability, it's a drama continuing, but there's a certain something about the region and the people and the disparate culture which is really quite gripping and the more that you get into it the more you become passionate about it. i'm simply very passionate about libya. essentially some of the reflections that i heard, the commentary that was made to me while i was posted in libya were basically driving desire to write this book because a number of people came up to me. very surprising in different contexts, different taxi drivers, police to make lots of money as middlemen between the regime and the private sector, former mark -- former monarchy, people who have been parliamentarians' back in the 60's said, look, we un
in the u.s., but we did it and we were condemned by the u.s., the state department. we were condemned by the u.n. years later, people appreciated the grave issue he took was for the benefit of the american people. because then you invade iraq come you are able to go into iraq without the risk of the iraqi nuclear. thus go back to 1973. i'm sure some jewish people and the audience and for us, the jewish people yom kippur is the holiest day of the year, where we go to the shore, we pray 1973 turn yom kippur. even though i thought i knew everything before i wrote the book. when i was doing the research i learned myself a lot. i found out 1973 congress by surprise, were almost an appointment would've lost the war. in the middle of the war, we can go to the sea. it's not the war in vietnam or afghanistan. it means rout of the game to make it to a crucial point in the first day of the war that we were invaded from both france and in washington sent a telegram to the embassies, which is not far away and i might telegram there was a message from kissinger, secretary of the state department, t
of libya's ire -- ire veal -- irrelevance of u.s. policy. go back to the libyan's fate, one, the u.s. relations with lip ya has been, you know, u.s. has always looked at libya as something of a strange creature that we could use for certain -- as a piece, of a strategy that had to do with the region as a whole. it was never looked at -- it was never seen as an object in and of itself. could start with the relation of the soviets, the eisenhower doctrine, and the united states' desire to push back soviet influence. libya was desperately pleading for u.s. attention back then, for aid, to get itself together, to stand on its own feet. this was before the discovery of oil, and the u.s. took a, well, you know, you're not really important as e just a minute, for example, and, you know, we'll think about it, and the result was that the prime minister of the time, you know, basically devised a plan to court the soviets and see if he could grab the united states' attention, and that happened. the next, you know, major event was the libya's and gadhafi's successful bid to change drastically th
and certain stories hit. this was the genesis for the book. i saw how the u.s. military particularly the air force defeated geography in the balkans. it turns out the army did well despite of, and the successful conclusion to the war in bosnia and kosovo were a factor in allowing nato to expand to the black sea although nobody really wrote to that. and what is really the success of the balkans and a panel and we were bloodied to bits in somalia that made people think we can do anything. and that's when geography got its revenge in the mountains and the desert sahara and afghanistan because the transformative moment for me i was embedded with the first battalion of the marine. en and coo eight in march of 2004 we were making an overland journey with several hundred miles to fallujah and it wasn't yet on the news, the battle of fallujah was still a month away, the first battle of fallujah and all we did this transport one marine battalion from one place to another, it wasn't particularly dangerous, but the statistics were absolutely immense. gas stations, mountains of water models, tool kits,
administration had against him, had tried against him. because syria was -- opposed the u.s. led invasion of iraq in 2003. the syrian government was looking the other way or even supporting jihaddists who were entering into iraq and killing american and allies forces. so the u.s. and syria were on opposite sides of the street, to say the least. he survived that. he survived the association with the assassination of former lebanese prime minister in february of 2005, in a damning un report that was leaked that held syria responsible. he survived all that and actually emerged in somewhat flying colors by 2008-2009, accepted back into the regional order, into the international community, even representatives at an anational plows meeting to jump start the arab-israeli peace talk. so i think he developed a sense of survivalism. he and his supporters. to the point where, when you have another challenge, and the most serious to date, obviously, since march 2011 and continuing today, that sense of triumphantism, that they're on the right side of history, sense of destiny, and i sincerely believe if i ta
into the ground. >> so could you give some examples, number one, of this network that you talk about in the u.s., how it exists? >> in the u.s., for instance, after the invasion of iraq one of the major construction or reconstruction quote unquote ventures was, you know, commissions, somehow, or given somehow to various corporations that are very much in touch or close to or part of the network of, for instance, vice president dick cheney. whether it's halliburton, other companies, they ended up unfairly taking up these and they didn't do a good job at all by virtue of the result -- [inaudible]. these can networks -- another can of such network, if you would like to look at the much bigger scale, the entire seven to $800 billion bailout is a function of a very quote unquote legal state business network that operates that allows our system to bail out people that have caused the problem under legal pretense. the issue is in countries like syria. the money is much smaller, and the checks and balances that what is the media or the democratic process, and other civil society associations and power
a matter of economic security as well as health security. in the u.s. demands for medical care is the social right originated in the workers movement who represented by people like florence greenberg. they next came to national prominence and fcr its proposed second bill of rights and finally they were adopted in the united nations universal declaration of human rights after world war ii. thanks in part to eleanor roosevelt who hoped draft the u.n. declaration after her husband's death. today more than 70 countries recognize the right to health or health care in their constitutions. virtually every industrialized nation has taken steps to implement these rights by establishing some type of universal health coverage for their citizens. with one major exception. >> you can watch this and other programs on line at booktv.org. >> mother joan's washington bureau chief, david corn, his most recent book is called showdown, the inside story of how obama fought back cantor and the tea party. is the showdown referring to any specific incident or just politics in general mr. corn? >> will
Search Results 0 to 6 of about 7

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